Thursday, 11 February 2021

Thursday's Serial: "O Guarani" by José de Alencar (in Portuguese) - V

Capítulo XIII: Revelação

Isabel e Cecília que voltavam do banho conversando, aproximaram-se da porta, não sem algum susto do animal; susto que se desfez com o sorriso do velho fidalgo, revendo-se na beleza de sua filha.

Com efeito, Cecília estava nesse momento de uma formosura que fascinava.

Tinha os cabelos ainda úmidos, dos quais se escapava de vez em quando um aljôfar que ia perder-se na covinha dos seios cobertos pelo linho do roupão; a pele fresca como se ondas de leite corressem pelos seus ombros; as faces brilhantes como dois cardos rosas que se abrem ao pôr-do-sol.

As duas meninas falavam com alguma vivacidade; mas ao aproximarem-se da porta, Cecília que ia um pouco adiante voltou-se para sua prima na pontinha dos pés, e com um arzinho petulante levou o dedo aos lábios recomendando silêncio.

—Sabes, Cecília, que tua mãe está muito zangada com Peri? disse D. Antônio tomando o rostinho mimoso de sua filha e beijando-a na fronte.

—Por quê, meu pai? Fez ele alguma coisa?

—Uma das suas, e de que já sabes parte.

 —E eu vou contar-te o resto, atalhou D. Lauriana, tocando com a mão o braço de sua filha.

 E de fato apresentou com as cores mais negras, e com a ênfase mais dramática, não só o risco iminente que na sua opinião tinha corrido a casa inteira, mas os perigos que ameaçavam ainda a paz e sossego da família.

 Referiu que, se por um milagre a sua caseira não tivesse há coisa de uma hora chegado a esplanada e visto o índio fazendo partes diabólicas com o tigre ao qual naturalmente ensinava a maneira de penetrar na casa, todos àquela hora estariam defuntos.

Cecília empalideceu, lembrando-se do descuido e alegria com que atravessara o vale e se banhara; Isabel conservou-se calma, mas seus olhos brilhavam.

—Assim, concluiu peremptoriamente D. Lauriana, não é concebível que continuemos com semelhante praga em casa.

—Que dizeis, minha mãe? exclamou Cecília assustada: pretendeis mandá-lo embora?

—Sem dúvida: essa casta de gente, que nem gente é, só pode viver bem nos matos.

—Mas ele nos ama tanto! Tem feito tanto por nós, não é verdade, meu pai? disse a menina voltando-se para o fidalgo.

D. Antônio respondeu à sua filha por um sorriso que a sossegou:

—Vós ralhareis com ele, meu pai; eu ficarei agastada, continuou Cecília, e ele se emendará e não fará mais outra.

—E a de há pouco? replicou Isabel dirigindo-se a Cecília.

D. Lauriana, que via a sua causa mal parada depois da chegada das moças, apesar da repugnância que sentia por Isabel, conheceu que tinha nela um aliado; e dirigiu-lhe a palavra, o que sucedia uma vez por semana.

—Chega-te, menina; o que é que dizes ter acontecido há pouco?

—É também um perigo que correu Cecília.

—Qual! minha mãe; foi mais susto de Isabel do que outra coisa.

—Susto, sim; mas pelo que vi...

—Conta-me isso; e tu, Cecília, fica ai sossegada.

A menina pelo respeito que tinha a sua mãe não se animou a dizer mais uma palavra; porém aproveitando-se do movimento que fez D. Lauriana ao voltar-se para ouvir a Isabel, abanou a cabeça à sua prima pedindo-lhe que nada dissesse.

A moça fez que não viu o gesto e respondeu à sua tia:

—Cecília estava se banhando e eu tinha ficado à beira do rio: daí a algum tempo vejo Peri que passava ao longe pelo galho de uma árvore. Ele sumiu-se, e de repente uma seta partida daquele lugar veio cair a dois passos de minha prima!

—Ouça cá, Sr. Mariz! exclamou D. Lauriana; ouça as estripulias do capeta!

—No mesmo instante, continuou Isabel, ouvimos dois tiros de pistola, que ainda mais nos assustaram, porque decerto foram apontados também para nosso lado.

—Senhor Deus! É pior do que uma judiaria! Mas quem deu pistolas a esse bugio?

—Fui eu, minha mãe, respondeu timidamente Cecília.

—Melhor seria que rezasses as tuas contas. Era bem-feito que com elas mesmo... Senhor Deus! perdoai-me!

 D. Antônio tinha ouvido as palavras de Isabel, apesar de conservar-se a alguma distância; o rosto do fidalgo tomara uma expressão grave.

Fez um ligeiro aceno a Cecília, e afastou-se com ela em ar de quem passeava pela esplanada:

—O que diz tua prima é verdade?

—É, meu pai; mas estou certa que Peri não o fez por maldade.

—Contudo, replicou o fidalgo, isto pode renovar-se; por outro lado tua mãe está atemorizada; assim, o melhor é afastá-lo.

—Ele vai sentir muito!

—E eu e tu também, porque o estimamos; mas não seremos ingratos; eu pagarei a tua e a minha dívida de gratidão; deixa isto ao meu cuidado.

—Sim, meu pai! exclamou a menina com um olhar úmido de reconhecimento e de admiração: Sim! Vós que sabeis compreender tudo que é nobre!

—Como tu, minha Cecília! respondeu o fidalgo acariciando-a.

—Oh! eu aprendi no vosso coração, e nas vossas menores ações.

D. Antônio abraçou-a.

—Ah! tenho uma coisa a pedir-vos!

—Dize: há muito que não me pedes nada, e eu já tenho queixa disso.

—Mandareis conservar este animal. Sim?

—Desde que o desejas...

—Será uma lembrança que teremos de Peri.

—Para ti, que para mim a melhor lembrança és tu. Se não fosse ele, podia eu agora apertar-te nos meus braços?

—Sabeis que tenho vontade de chorar só de pensar que ele se vai?

—É natural, minha filha, as lágrimas são um bálsamo que Deus deu à fraqueza da mulher, e que negou à força do homem.

O fidalgo separou-se de sua filha, e chegou-se à porta onde se achavam ainda sua mulher, Isabel e Aires Gomes.

—Que decidistes, Sr. D. Antônio? perguntou a dama.

—Decidi fazer-vos a vontade, para sossego vosso e descanso meu. Hoje mesmo ou amanhã Peri deixará esta casa; mas enquanto ele aqui estiver, eu não quero, disse carregando ligeiramente sobre aquele monossílabo, que se lhe diga uma palavra sequer de desagrado. Peri sai desta casa porque lho peço, e não porque isto seja-lhe ordenado por alguém. Entendeis, minha mulher?

D. Lauriana, que compreendia o que havia de energia e resolução naquela imperceptível entonação dada pelo fidalgo a uma simples frase, inclinou a cabeça.

—Incumbo-me de falar eu mesmo a Peri! Dir-lhe-ás de minha parte, Aires Gomes, que venha ter comigo.

O escudeiro inclinou-se; o fidalgo que se ia retirando, voltou-se:

—Ah! esquecia-me. Mandarás encher este lindo animal que desejo conservar; será uma curiosidade para o meu gabinete de armas.

D. Lauriana fez à sorrelfa uma careta de nojo.

—E servirá para que minha mulher se habitue com sua vista, e tenha menos medo de onças.

D. Antônio afastou-se.

A dama pôde então ir riçar os seus cabelos, e preparar o seu toucado domingueiro; tinha alcançado uma importante vitoria. Peri ia finalmente ser expulso dessa casa, onde na sua opinião nunca devera ter entrado.

Enquanto isto passava, Cecília, ao separar-se de seu pai, voltara o canto da casa para entrar no jardim, e encontrara Álvaro que passeava inquieto e pensativo.

—D. Cecília! disse o moço.

—Oh! deixai-me Sr. Álvaro! respondeu Cecília sem parar.

—Em que vos ofendi eu para que me trateis assim?

—Desculpai-me, estou triste; em nada me ofendestes.

—É que quando se cometeu uma falta...

—Uma falta? perguntou a menina admirada.

—Sim! respondeu o moço abaixando os olhos.

—E que falta cometestes vós, Sr. Álvaro?

—Desobedeci-vos.

—Ah! é grave! disse a moça com um meio sorriso.

—Não zombeis, D. Cecília! Se soubésseis que inquietações isto me tem feito passar! Arrependo-me mil vezes do que pratiquei, e contudo parece-me que era capaz de praticá-lo de novo.

—Mas, Sr. Álvaro, esqueceis que falais de uma coisa que ignoro; sei apenas que se trata de uma desobediência!

—Lembrai-vos que ontem me mandastes guardar um objeto, que...

—Sim, atalhou a moça corando; um objeto que...

—Que vos pertencia, e que eu contra vontade vossa restituí.

—Como! que dizeis?

—Oh! perdoai! foi uma ousadia! mas...

—Mas enfim eu não entendo nem uma palavra de tudo isto! exclamou a moça com um movimento de impaciência.

Álvaro vencendo enfim o seu acanhamento contou rapidamente o que tinha feito na véspera à noite.

Cecília ouvindo-o, ia-se tornando séria.

—Sr. Álvaro, disse ela num tom de exprobação, fizestes mal em praticar semelhante ação, muito mal. Que ninguém o saiba ao menos.

—Eu juro pela minha honra!

—Não basta; vis mesmo desfareis o que fizestes. Não abrirei aquela janela enquanto houver ali um objeto que não me veio de meu pai, e em que não posso tocar.

—Senhora!... balbuciou o moço pálido e abatido.

Cecília levantou os olhos, e viu no rosto de Álvaro tanta amargura e desespero, que sentiu-se comovida.

—Não me acuseis do que sucede, disse ela com a voz meiga, a culpa é vossa.

—Eu o sinto; e não me queixo.

—Bem vistes que não podendo aceitar, pedi que a conservásseis como uma lembrança.

 —Oh! eu a conservarei ainda: ela me ensinará a expiar a minha falta, e ma recordará sempre.

 —Será agora uma triste recordação.

—E posso-as eu ter alegres!

—Quem sabe! disse Cecília desentrançando dos seus cabelos louros um jasmim; é tão doce esperar!

Voltando-se para esconder o rubor de suas faces, Cecília viu perto a Isabel que devorava esta cena com um olhar ardente.

A menina soltou um grito de susto e entrou rapidamente no jardim, Álvaro apanhou no ar a pequena flor que se escapara dos dedos de Cecília e beijou-a julgando que ninguém ali estava. Quando o cavalheiro deu com os olhos na moça, ficou tão perturbado que deixou cair o jasmim sem sentir.

Isabel apanhou-o; e apresentando-o a Álvaro, disse com um acento de voz inimitável:

—É também uma restituição!

Álvaro empalideceu.

A moça, trêmula, passou diante dele, e entrou no quarto de sua prima.

Cecília vendo chegar Isabel corou e não se animou a levantar os olhos, lembrando-se do que ela tinha visto e ouvido: pela primeira vez a inocente menina conhecia que havia na sua pura afeição alguma coisa que se escondia aos olhos dos outros.

Isabel, entrando no aposento da prima ao qual fora arrastada por um sentimento irresistível, arrependera-se imediatamente; a perturbação que sentia era tão grande, que temeu trair-se; encostou-se no leito defronte de Cecília, muda e com os olhos cravados no chão.

Assim passou-se um longo intervalo; depois as duas moças quase ao mesmo tempo ergueram a cabeça; e lançaram um olhar para a janela; seus olhos se encontraram, e ambas coraram ainda mais.

Cecília revoltou-se; a menina alegre e travessa que conservava num cantinho do coração, sob os risos e as graças, o germe da firmeza de caráter que distinguia seu pai, sentiu-se ofendida por se ver obrigada a corar de vergonha diante de outrem, como se tivesse cometido uma falta.

Revestiu-se de coragem e tomou uma resolução cuja energia se desenhava em um movimento imperceptível das sobrancelhas.

—Isabel, abre esta janela.

A moça estremeceu como se uma faísca elétrica tivesse abalado o seu corpo; hesitou, mas por fim atravessou o aposento.

Dois olhares ávidos, ardentes, caíram sobre a janela no momento em que se abriu.

Nada havia ali.

A emoção que teve Isabel foi tão forte, que involuntariamente voltou-se para sua prima soltando uma exclamação de prazer; sua fisionomia iluminou-se com um desses reflexos divinos, que parecem descer do céu sobre a cabeça da mulher que ama.

Cecília olhava sua prima sem compreendê-la; mas a pouco e pouco a admiração e o espanto desenharam-se no semblante da menina.

—Isabel!...

A moça caiu de joelhos aos pés de Cecília.

Tinha-se traído.

 

 

Capítulo XIV - A Índia

Peri apenas sentiu voltarem-lhe as forças, continuou a sua marcha através da floresta.

Por muito tempo seguiu as pegadas da índia pelo meio do mato com uma rapidez e uma certeza incríveis para quem não conhecer a facilidade com que os selvagens percebem os mais fracos vestígios que deixam as pisadas de um animal qualquer.

Um ramo quebrado, o capim abatido, as folhas secas espalhadas e partidas, um galho que ainda se agita, as pérolas do orvalho desfeitas, são aos seus olhos exercitados o mesmo que uma linha traçada na floresta, e que eles seguem sem hesitação.

Uma razão havia para que Peri se encarniçasse assim em perseguir aquela índia inofensiva, e a fazer esforços inauditos a fim de agarrá-la.

Para bem compreender esta razão, é necessário conhecer alguns acontecimentos que se haviam passado nos últimos dias pelas vizinhaças do Paquequer.

No fim da lua das águas, uma tribo de Aimorés descera das eminências da Serra dos Órgãos para fazer a colheita dos frutos e preparar os vinhos, bebidas e diversos alimentos de que costumava fazer provisão.

Uma família dessa tribo trazida pela caça aparecera há dias nas margens do Paraíba; compunha-se de um selvagem, sua mulher, um filho e uma filha.

Esta última era uma bela índia, cuja posse se disputavam todos os guerreiros Aimorés; seu pai, o chefe da tribo, sentia o orgulho de ter uma filha tão formosa, como a mais linda seta do seu arco, ou a mais vistosa pena do seu cocar.

Estamos no domingo.

Na sexta-feira, eram dez horas da manhã, Peri atravessava a mata imitando alegremente o canto do saixê, cujas notas sibiladas ele traduzia pelo doce nome de Ceci.

Ia então em procura desse animal que tão importante papel representa nesta história, especialmente depois de morto; como não o satisfazia qualquer pequeno jaguar, assentara buscar nos seus próprios domínios um dos reis das grandes florestas que corriam ao longo do Paraíba.

Cecília havia dito uma palavra, e ele que não discutia os desejos de sua senhora, tomara o seu arco e seu clavinote e se tinha posto a caminho. Chegava a um pequeno regato, quando um cãozinho felpudo saiu do mato, e logo depois uma índia que deu dois passos e caiu ferida por uma bala.

Peri voltou-se para ver donde partia o tiro, e reconheceu D. Diogo de Mariz que se aproximava lentamente acompanhado por dois aventureiros.

O moço ia atirar a um pássaro, e a índia que passava nesse momento, recebera a carga da espingarda e caíra morta.

O cãozinho lançou-se para sua senhora Uivando, lambendo-lhe as mãos frias e rogando a cabeça pelo corpo ensangüentado como procurando reanimá-la. D. Diogo, apoiado sobre o arcabuz, volvia um olhar de piedade sobre essa moça vitima de um capricho de caçador, que não desejava perder a sua pontaria.

Quanto a seus companheiros, riam-se do acontecimento e divertiam-se a fazer comentários sobre a qualidade de caça que o cavalheiro tinha escolhido.

De repente o cãozinho que acariciava sua senhora morta, ergueu a cabeça, farejou o ar, e partiu como uma flecha.

Peri que tinha sido testemunha muda desta cena, aconselhou a D. Diogo que se recolhesse à casa por prudência, e continuou a sua caminhada.

O espetáculo que acabava de presenciar o entristecera; lembrou-se de sua tribo, de seus irmãos que ele havia abandonado há tanto tempo, e que talvez àquela hora eram também vitimas dos conquistadores de sua terra, onde outrora viviam livres e felizes.

Tendo andado cerca de meia légua, avistou ao longe um fogo na mata; ao redor estavam sentados dois selvagens e uma índia.

O mais velho, de estatura gigantesca, engastava as presas longas e aguçadas da capivara nas pontas de canas silvestres, e afiava numa pedra essa arma terrível. O mais moço enchia de pequenas sementes pretas e vermelhas um fruto oco, ornado de penas e preso a um cabo de dois palmos de comprimento.

A mulher, que ainda era moça, cardava uma porção de algodão cujos flocos alvos e puros caiam sobre uma grande folha que tinha no regaço.

Junto do fogo havia um pequeno vaso vidrado com brasas no qual a índia de vez em quando deitava umas grandes folhas secas, que levantavam grossos novelos de fumo. Então os dois índios por meio de uma taboca aspiravam as baforadas deste fumo, até que os olhos lhes choravam; depois continuavam o seu trabalho.

No momento em que Peri examinava de longe esta cena, o cãozinho saltava no meio do grupo: o animal apenas respirou da corrida em que vinha, puxou com os dentes a trota de penas do índio mais moço, que o atirou a quatro passos com um empurrão.

Aproximou-se então da índia, repetiu o mesmo movimento; e como fosse mal acolhido ainda, saltou sobre o algodão, e mordeu-o: a mulher tomou-o pela coleira de frutos que trazia ao pescoço, sacudiu-o pelas costas, e arranjou as suas pastas; mas estavam tintas de sangue.

Examinou com inquietação o animal; e não o vendo ferido, lançou os olhos ao redor de si e soltou um grito rouco e gutural; os dois índios ergueram a cabeça interrogando com os olhos a causa dessa exclamação.

Por toda resposta, a índia mostrou o sangue que cobria o animal, e pronunciou com a voz cheia de aflição uma palavra de uma língua desconhecida, e que Peri não entendeu.

O índio mais moço saltou pela floresta como um campeiro atrás do cãozinho que lhe servia de guia; o velho e a mulher o seguiram de perto.

Peri compreendeu perfeitamente o que se passava, e seguiu seu caminho pensando que os colonos já deviam àquela hora estar fora do alcance dos selvagens.

Era isto o que o índio tinha visto; o que ele ignorava, o acontecimento do banho lhe revelara claramente.

Os selvagens haviam encontrado o corpo de sua filha, e reconhecido o sinal da bala; por muito tempo procuraram debalde as pisadas dos caçadores, até que no dia seguinte a cavalgata que passava serviu-lhes de guia.

Toda a noite rondaram em torno da habitação, e nessa manhã vendo sair as duas moças, resolveram vingar-se com a aplicação dessa lei de talião que era o único princípio de direito e justiça que reconheciam.

Tinham morto sua filha, era justo que matassem também a filha do seu inimigo; vida por vida, lágrima por lágrima, desgraça por desgraça.

Como pretenderam realizar a sua vingança e o fim que tiveram, já sabemos; os dois selvagens dormiam para sempre nas margens do Paquequer, sem que uma mão amiga lhes viesse dar sepultura.

Agora é fácil conhecer a razão por que Peri perseguia a índia, resto da infeliz família sabia que ela ia direito ter com seus irmãos, e que à primeira palavra que proferisse, toda a tribo se levantaria como um só homem para vingar a morte do seu cacique e a perda da mais bela filha dos Aimorés.

Ora, o índio conhecia a ferocidade desse povo sem pátria e sem religião, que se alimentava de carne humana e vivia como feras, no chão e pelas grutas e cavernas; estremecia só com a idéia de que pudesse vir assaltar a casa de D. Antônio de Mariz.

Era preciso pois exterminar toda a família e não deixar nem um vestígio de sua passagem.

Fazendo estas reflexões, Peri tinha gasto perto de uma hora a percorrer a floresta inutilmente; a índia ganhara um grande avanço durante o tempo em que ele lutava contra o desfalecimento produzido pela ferida. Por fim julgou que o mais prudente era avisar a D. Antônio imediatamente, a fim de que tomasse todas as medidas de prevenção que exigia a iminência do perigo.

Tinha chegado a um campo coberto por algumas moitas de carrascos, que se destacavam aqui e ali sobre um capim áspero e queimado pelo sol.

Apenas o índio deu alguns passos para atravessar o campo, parou fazendo um gesto de surpresa; diante dele arquejava um cãozinho, que reconheceu pela coleira de frutos escarlates que tinha ao pescoço.

Era o mesmo que há dois dias encontrara na floresta, e que naturalmente seguia a índia no momento em que ela fugia; o índio não o tinha visto por causa das guaximas.

O animal mostrava ter sido estrangulado por uma torção tão violenta, que lhe partira a coluna vertebral; entretanto ainda agonizava.

Do primeiro lanço de olhos Peri tinha visto tudo isto, e calculado o que se havia passado.

Aquela morte, pensava ele, não podia ter sido feita senão por uma criatura humana; qualquer outro animal usaria dos dentes ou das garras, e deixaria traços de ferimento.

O cão pertencia à índia; fora ela pois quem o havia estrangulado há bem poucos momentos, porque a fratura do pescoço era de natureza a produzir a morte quase imediatamente.

Mas por que motivo tinha feito essa barbaridade?—Porque, respondia o espírito do índio, ela sabia que era perseguida, e o cão que a não podia acompanhar serviria para denunciá-la.

Apenas formulou este pensamento, Peri deitou-se e auscultou o seio da terra por muito tempo; duas vezes ergueu a cabeça julgando iludir-se, e encostou de novo o ouvido ao chão.

Quando levantou-se, o seu rosto exprimia grande surpresa e admiração; tinha ouvido alguma coisa de que parecia duvidar ainda, como se os seus sentidos o iludissem.

Caminhou para o lado do nascente, auscultando a terra a cada momento, e assim chegou a alguns passos de uma grande touça de cardos que se elevava numa baixa do terreno.

Então colocando-se de encontro ao vento, aproximou-se com toda cautela e ouviu um murmúrio de vozes confusas, e o som de um instrumento que cavava a terra.

Peri aplicou o ouvido e procurou ver o que se passava além, mas era impossível; nem uma aberta, nem uma fresta davam passagem ao som ou ao olhar.

Só quem tem viajado nos sertões e visto esses cardos gigantes, cujas largas palmas crivadas de espinhos se entrelaçam estreitamente formando uma alta muralha de alguns pés de grossura, poderá fazer idéia da barreira impenetrável que cercava por todos os lados as pessoas cuja voz Peri ouvia sem distinguir as palavras.

Entretanto esses homens deviam ter ai entrado por alguma parte; e não podia ser senão pelo galho de uma árvore seca que se estendia sobre os cardos, e ao qual se enroscava um cipó nodoso e forte como uma vide.

Peri estudava a posição, e tratava de descobrir o meio de saber o que se passava atrás daquelas árvores, quando uma voz que julgou reconhecer exclamou:

—Per Dio! ei-la!

O índio estremeceu ouvindo esta voz, e resolveu a todo o custo conhecer o que faziam aqueles homens; pressentiu que havia ali um perigo a conjurar, e um inimigo a combater. Inimigo talvez mais terrível do que os Aimorés, porque se estes eram feras, aquele podia ser a serpente escondida entre as folhas e a relva.

Assim esqueceu tudo, e o seu pensamento concentrou-se numa única idéia, ouvir o que aqueles homens diziam.

Mas por que meio?

Era o que Peri procurava: tinha rodeado a touça aplicando o ouvido, e pareceu-lhe que em um lugar o ruído das vozes e do ferro que continuava a cavar, lhe chegava mais distinto.

O índio abaixou os olhos, que brilhavam de contentamento.

O que produzira essa agradável impressão fora um simples montículo de barro gretado, que se elevava como um pão de açúcar dois palmos acima da terra, e que estava encoberto por folhas de tanchagem.

Era a entrada de um formigueiro, de uma dessas casas subterrâneas construídas pelos pequenos arquitetos que à força de paciência e trabalho minam um campo inteiro, e formam verdadeiras abóbadas debaixo da terra.

Aquele que Peri descobrira tinha sido abandonado pelos seus habitantes, em virtude da enxurrada que penetrara no pequeno subterrâneo.

O índio tirou a sua faca, e cerceando a cúpula dessa torre em miniatura, deixou a descoberto um buraco que penetrava pelo interior da terra, e decerto ia ter à baixa onde estavam reunidas as pessoas que conversavam.

Este buraco tornou-se para ele uma espécie de tubo acústico, que lhe trazia as palavras claras e distintas.

Sentou-se e ouviu.

 

 

Capítulo XV: Os Três

Loredano que nessa mesma manhã saíra de casa tão cedo, apenas se entranhou na mata, esperou.

Um quarto de hora depois vieram ter com ele Bento Simões e Rui Soeiro.

Os três seguiram juntos sem dar uma palavra; o italiano caminhava adiante, e os dois aventureiros o acompanhavam trocando de vez em quando um olhar significativo. Por fim Rui Soeiro rompeu o silêncio:

—Não foi decerto para espairecer pelos matos ao romper da alva, que nos fizestes vir aqui, misser Loredano?

—Não, respondeu o italiano laconicamente.

—Mas então desembuchai de uma vez, e não percamos tempo.

—Esperai!

—Que espereis, vos digo eu, atalhou Bento Simões, ides numa batida... Onde nos pretendeis levar nesta marcha?

—Vereis.

—Já que não há meio de vos sacar mais palavra, segui com Deus, misser Loredano.

—Sim, acudiu Rui Soeiro, segui; que nós tornamos por onde viemos.

—Quando estiverdes de vez para falar, nos avisareis.

E os dois aventureiros pararam dispostos a retroceder; o italiano voltou-se com um gesto de desprezo.

—Parvos que sois! disse ele. Se vos parece, revoltai-vos agora que estais em meu poder, e que não tendes outro remédio senão seguir a minha fortuna! Voltai!... Também eu voltarei; mas para denunciar-vos a todos.

Os dois aventureiros empalideceram.

—Não me façais lembrar, Loredano, disse Rui Soeiro abaixando um olhar rápido para o punhal, que há um meio de fechar para sempre as bocas que se obstinam a falar.

—Isto quer dizer, replicou o italiano desdenhosamente, que me mataríeis no caso de que eu vos quisesse denunciar?

—À fé que sim! respondeu Rui Soeiro com um tom que mostrava a sua resolução.

—E eu pela minha parte faria o mesmo! Primeiro está a nossa vida que as vossas venetas, misser italiano.

—E que ganharíeis vós em matar-me? perguntou Loredano sorrindo.

—Essa é melhor! que ganharíamos? Achais que é coisa de pequena valia assegurar a sua existência e o seu descanso?

—Néscios!... disse o italiano cobrindo-os com um olhar de desprezo e de piedade ao mesmo tempo. Não vedes que quando um homem traz um segredo como o meu, a menos que esse homem não seja um truão da vossa laia, ele deve ter tomado as suas precauções contra estes pequenos incidentes?

—Bem vejo que estais armado, e mais vale assim, respondeu Rui Soeiro; será morte antes que homizio.

—Direis melhor, execução, Rui Soeiro! retrucou Bento Simões.

O italiano continuou:

—Não são essas armas que me servirão contra vós; outras tenho eu que mais podem; sabei unicamente que vivo ou morto, a minha voz virá de longe, até mesmo da campa, denunciar-vos e vingar-me.

—Quereis gracejar, misser italiano? A ocasião não é azada.

—A seu tempo vereis se gracejo. Tenho na mão de D. Antônio de Mariz o meu testamento, que ele deve abrir quando me saiba ou me julgue morto. Nesse testamento conto as relações que existem entre nós, e o fim para que trabalhamos.

Os dois aventureiros tornaram-se lívidos como espetros.

—Compreendeis agora, disse Loredano sorrindo, que se me assassinardes, se um acidente qualquer me privar da vida, se me der na cabeça mesmo fugir e fazer supor que morri, estais perdidos irremediavelmente.

Bento Simões ficou paralisado como se uma catalepsia o tivesse fulminado. Rui Soeiro, apesar do violento abalo que sentia, conseguiu com um esforço recobrar a palavra.

—É impossível!... gritou ele. Isso que dizeis é falso. Não há homem que o fizesse.

—Ponde à prova! respondeu o italiano calmo e impassível.

—Ele o fez... estou certo... balbuciou Bento Simões em voz sumida.

—Não, retrucou Rui Soeiro; Satanás não o faria. Vamos, Loredano: confessai que nos enganastes, que quisestes atemorizar-nos?

 —Disse a verdade.

—Mentes! gritou o aventureiro desesperado.

O italiano sorriu: tirando a sua espada estendeu a mão sobre a cruz do punho, e disse lentamente deixando cair as palavras uma a uma:

—Por esta cruz e pelo Cristo que nela sofreu; por minha honra neste mundo, e minha alma no outro, juro.

Bento Simões caiu de joelhos esmagado por este juramento, que não deixava de ter alguma solenidade no meio da floresta sombria e silenciosa.

Rui Soeiro, pálido, com os olhos a saltarem-lhe das órbitas, os lábios trêmulos, os cabelos eriçados e os dedos hirtos, parecia a múmia do desespero.

Estendeu os braços para Loredano, e exclamou com a voz trêmula e sufocada:

—Pois vós, Loredano, confiastes a D. Antônio de Mariz um papel onde existe a maquinação infernal que tramastes contra sua família?

—Confiei-o!

—E nesse papel escrevestes que o pretendeis assassinar a ele e a sua mulher, e lançar fogo à casa se preciso for para a realização de vossos intentos?

—Escrevi tudo!

—Tivestes o arrojo de confessar que tencionais roubar sua filha e fazer dela, nobre moça, a barregã de um aventureiro e réprobo como vós?

—Sim!

—E dissestes também, continuou Rui no auge da desesperação, que a outra sua filha nos pertencerá, a nós que jogaremos a sorte para decidir a qual deverá tocar?

—Não me esqueci de nada, e menos desse ponto importante, respondeu o italiano com um sorriso; tudo isso está escrito em um pergaminho, nas mãos de D. Antônio de Mariz. Para sabê-lo, basta que o fidalgo rompa os pingos de cera preta com que mestre Garcia Ferreira, tabelião do Rio de Janeiro, o cerrou na minha penúltima viagem.

Loredano pronunciou estas palavras com a maior calma, contemplando os dois aventureiros pálidos e humilhados diante dele.

Passou-se algum tempo em silêncio.

—Já vedes, disse o italiano, que estais na minha mão; sirva-vos isto de exemplo. Quando uma vez se pôs o pé sobre o precipício, amigos, é preciso caminhar por cima dele, para não rolar e ir ao fundo. Caminhemos pois. Só de uma coisa vos advirto;—de hoje em diante obediência cega e passiva!

Os dois aventureiros não disseram palavra; porém a sua atitude respondia melhor do que mil protestos.

—Agora deixai essa cara triste e consternada. Estou vivo: e D. Antônio é um verdadeiro fidalgo incapaz de abrir um testamento. Criai esperança, confiai em mim, que breve alcançaremos a meta.

A fisionomia de Bento Simões reanimou-se.

—Falai claro uma vez ao menos, retrucou Rui Soeiro.

—Não aqui; segui-me, que vos levarei a um lugar onde conversaremos à vontade.

—Esperai, acudiu Bento Simões; antes de tudo, reparação vos é devida. Há pouco vos ameaçamos; aqui tendes as nossas armas.

—Sim, depois do que se passou, é justo que desconfieis de nós; tomai.

Os dois tiraram os punhais e as espadas.

—Guardai as vossas armas, disse Loredano escarnecendo, servirão para me defenderdes. Eu sei quanto vos é preciosa e cara a minha existência!

Ambos os aventureiros empalideceram, e seguiram o italiano, que depois de uma meia hora de caminho chegou à touça de cardos que já descrevemos.

A um sinal de Loredano, os seus companheiros subiram à árvore, e desceram pelo cipó ao centro dessa área cercada de espinhos, que tinha quando muito três braças de comprimento sobre duas de largura.

De um lado, na quebrada que fazia o terreno, via-se uma espécie de grata ou abóbada, restos desses grandes formigueiros que se encontram pelos nossos campos, já meio aluídos pela chuva. Neste lagar, à sombra de um pequeno arbusto que nascera entre os cardos, sentaram-se os três aventureiros.

—Oh! disse o italiano imediatamente; há algum tempo já que não venho dessas bandas; mas parece-me que ainda deve haver aqui o quer que seja que vos dará no goto.

Reclinou-se, e estendendo o braço pela cava retirou uma botija que ali estava deitada, e que colocou no meio do grupo.

—É de Caparica, mas do bom. Deste cá não vem!

—Diabo! tendes uma adega!... exclamou Bento Simões a quem a vista da botija tinha restituído todo o bom humor.

—A falar a verdade, disse Rui, esperaria tudo, menos ver sair deste buraco uma botija de vinho.

—É para verdes! Como costumo vir a este lugar, onde às vezes passo bem boas soalheiras, precisava ter um companheiro com quem espairecesse.

—E não podíeis achar melhor! disse Bento Simões dando uma empinadela à botija e estalando a língua. Já lhe tinha saudades!

Cada um dos três tomou a sua vez de vinho e a botija voltou ao seu lugar.

—Bom, disse o italiano, agora tratemos do que serve. Prometi, quando vos convidei a seguir-me, que vos faria ricos, muito ricos.

Os dois inclinaram a cabeça.

—A promessa que vos fiz vai-se realizar: a riqueza está aqui perto de nós, podemos tocá-la.

—Onde? perguntaram os aventureiros lançando um olhar ávido em roda.

—Não vai assim também; fala-se figuradamente. Digo que a riqueza está diante de nós, mas para nos apoderarmos dela é preciso...

—O quê? Dizei?

—A seu tempo; agora quero contar-vos uma história.

—Uma história! replicou Rui Soeiro.

—Da carocha? perguntou Bento Simões.

—Não, uma história verídica como uma bula do nosso santo padre. Ouvistes falar algum dia, em um certo Robério Dias?

—Robério Dias... Ah! sei! um tal do São Salvador? disse Rui Soeiro.

—O mesmo, sem tirar nem pôr.

—Vi-o há coisa de oito anos em São Sebastião, donde se passou às Espanhas.

—E sabeis o que ia fazer às Espanhas esse digno descendente de Caramuru, amigo Bento Simões? perguntou o italiano.

—Ouvi rosnar que se tratava de um tesouro fabuloso que contava oferecer a Filipe II, o qual em volta o faria marquês, e grande fidalgo de sua casa.

—E o resto, não vos chegou à noticia?

—Não; nunca mais ouvi falar do tal Robério Dias.

—Pois ouvi lá; chegando a Madri, o homem fez a sua oferta mui lampeiro; e foi recebido na palma das mãos por el-rei Filipe II que, como sabeis, tinha as unhas demasiado longas.

—E cinzou-o como uma raposa que era? acudiu Rui Soeiro.

—Enganai-vos; dessa vez a raposa tornara-se macaco; quis ver o coco antes de pagá-lo.

—E então?

—Então, disse o italiano sorrindo maliciosamente, o coco estava oco.

—Como oco?

—Sim, amigo Rui, tinham-lhe deixado apenas as cascas; felizmente para nós, que vamos lograr o miolo.

—Sois um homem de caixas encouradas, Loredano!

—Dá-se a gente a tratos, e não é possível entender-vos.

—Tenho culpa eu, que não sejais lido na história das coisas de vossa terra?

—Nem todos são mitrados como vós, dom italiano.

—Bom, acabemos de uma vez; o que Robério Dias julgava oferecer em Madri a Filipe II, amigos, está aqui!

E Loredano dizendo estas palavras assentou a mão sobre um seixo que havia ao lado.

Os dois aventureiros olharam-se sem compreender, e duvidando da razão de seu companheiro. Quanto a este, sem se importar com o que eles pensavam, tirou a espada, e depois de desenterrar a pedra, começou a cavar.

Enquanto prosseguia neste trabalho, os dois observando-o passavam alternadamente a botija de vinho, e faziam conjeturas e suposições.

O italiano já cavava há tempo, quando o ferro tocou num objeto duro, que o fez tinir.

—Per Dio, exclamou, ei-la!

Daí a alguns momentos retirava do buraco um desses vasos de barro vidrado, a que os índios chamavam camuci; este era pequeno e fechado por todos os lados.

Loredano tomando-o pelas duas mãos abalou-o e sentiu o imperceptível vascolejar que fazia dentro um objeto qualquer.

—Aqui tendes, disse ele lentamente, o tesouro de Robério Dias; pertence-nos. Um pouco detento, e seremos mais ricos que o sultão de Bagdá, e mais poderosos que o doge de Veneza.

O italiano bateu sobre a pedra com o vaso que se partiu em pedaços.

Os aventureiros, com os olhares incendidos de cobiça, esperando ver correr ondas de ouro, de diamantes e esmeraldas, ficaram estupefatos. Do bojo do vaso saltara apenas um pequeno rolo de pergaminho coberto por um couro avermelhado, e atado em cruz por um fio pardo.

Loredano com a ponta do punhal rompeu o laço, e abrindo rapidamente o pergaminho, mostrou aos aventureiros um rótulo escrito em grandes letras vermelhas.

Rui Soeiro soltou um grito: Bento Simões começou a tremer de prazer, de pasmo e admiração.

Passado um momento, o italiano estendeu a mão para o papel colocado no meio do grupo; seus olhos tomaram uma expressão dura.

—Agora, disse ele com a sua voz vibrante, agora que tendes a riqueza e o poder ao alcance da mão, jurai que o vosso braço não tremerá quando chegar a ocasião; que obedecereis ao meu gesto, à minha palavra, como à lei do destino.

—Juramos!

—Estou cansado de esperar, e resolvido a aproveitar o primeiro ensejo. A mim como chefe, disse o italiano com um sorriso diabólico, devia pertencer D. Antônio de Mariz; eu vo-lo cedo, Rui Soeiro. Bento Simões terá o escudeiro. Eu reclamo para mim Álvaro de Sá, o nobre cavalheiro.

—Aires Gomes vai-se ver numa dança! disse Bento Simões com um aspecto marcial.

—Os mais, se nos incomodarem, irão depois; se nos acompanharem serão bem-vindos. Unicamente vos aviso que aquele que tocar a soleira da porta da filha de D. Antônio de Mariz, é um homem morto; essa é a minha parte na presa! E a parte do leão.

Nesse momento ouviu-se um rumor como se as folhas se tivessem agitado.

Os aventureiros não fizeram reparo, e atribuíram naturalmente ao vento.

—Mais alguns dias, amigos, continuou Loredano, e seremos ricos, nobres, poderosos como um rei. Tu, Bento Simões, serás marquês de Paquequer; tu, Rui Soeiro, duque das Minas; eu... Que serei eu, disse Loredano com um sorriso que iluminou a sua fisionomia inteligente. Eu serei...

Uma palavra partiu do seio da terra, surda e cavernosa, como se uma voz sepulcral a houvesse pronunciado:

—Traidores!...

Os três aventureiros ergueram-se de um só movimento, hirtos e lívidos: pareciam cadáveres surgindo da campa.

Os dois persignaram-se. O italiano suspendeu-se ao ramo da árvore, e lançou um olhar rápido.

Tudo estava em sossego.

O sol a pino derramava um oceano de luz: nenhuma folha se agitava ao sopro da brisa; nenhum inseto saltitava sobre a relva.

O dia no seu esplendor dominava a natureza.

Wednesday, 10 February 2021

Good Reading: "Casey at the Bat: A Ballad of the Republic Sung in the Year 1888" by Ernest Thayer (in English)

The outlook wasn't brilliant for the Mudville nine that day;
the score stood four to two, with but one inning more to play.
And then when Cooney died at first, and Barrows did the same,
a sickly silence fell upon the patrons of the game.

A straggling few got up to go in deep despair. The rest
clung to that hope which springs eternal in the human breast;
they thought, if only Casey could get but a whack at that –
they'd put up even money, now, with Casey at the bat.

But Flynn preceded Casey, as did also Jimmy Blake,
and the former was a lulu and the latter was a cake,
so upon that stricken multitude grim melancholy sat,
for there seemed but little chance of Casey's getting to the bat.

But Flynn let drive a single, to the wonderment of all,
and Blake, the much despised, tore the cover off the ball;
and when the dust had lifted, and the men saw what had occurred,
there was Jimmy safe at second and Flynn a-hugging third.

Then from five thousand throats and more there rose a lusty yell;
it rumbled through the valley, it rattled in the dell;
it knocked upon the mountain and recoiled upon the flat,
for Casey, mighty Casey, was advancing to the bat.

There was ease in Casey's manner as he stepped into his place;
there was pride in Casey's bearing and a smile on Casey's face.
And when, responding to the cheers, he lightly doffed his hat,
no stranger in the crowd could doubt 'twas Casey at the bat.

Ten thousand eyes were on him as he rubbed his hands with dirt;
five thousand tongues applauded when he wiped them on his shirt.
Then while the writhing pitcher ground the ball into his hip,
defiance gleamed in Casey's eye, a sneer curled Casey's lip.

And now the leather-covered sphere came hurtling through the air,
and Casey stood a-watching it in haughty grandeur there.
Close by the sturdy batsman the ball unheeded sped—
"That ain't my style," said Casey. "Strike one," the umpire said.

From the benches, black with people, there went up a muffled roar,
like the beating of the storm-waves on a stern and distant shore.
"Kill him! Kill the umpire!" shouted someone on the stand;
and it's likely they'd have killed him had not Casey raised his hand.

With a smile of Christian charity great Casey's visage shone;
he stilled the rising tumult; he bade the game go on;
he signaled to the pitcher, and once more the spheroid flew;
but Casey still ignored it, and the umpire said: "Strike two."

"Fraud!" cried the maddened thousands, and Echo answered fraud;
but one scornful look from Casey and the audience was awed.
They saw his face grow stern and cold, they saw his muscles strain,
and they knew that Casey wouldn't let that ball go by again.

The sneer is gone from Casey's lip, his teeth are clenched in hate;
he pounds with cruel violence his bat upon the plate.
And now the pitcher holds the ball, and now he lets it go,
and now the air is shattered by the force of Casey's blow.

Oh, somewhere in this favored land the sun is shining bright;
the band is playing somewhere, and somewhere hearts are light,
and somewhere men are laughing, and somewhere children shout;
but there is no joy in Mudville — mighty Casey has struck out.

Tuesday, 9 February 2021

Tuesday’s Serial: “On War” by General Carl von Clausewitz (Translated into English by Colonel J.J. Graham) – XXXVII

CHAPTER XIX - Attack on the Enemy’s Army in its Cantonments

We have not treated of this subject in the defence, because a line of cantonments is not to be regarded as a defensive means, but as a mere existence of the army in a state which implies little readiness for battle. In respect to this readiness for battle, we therefore did not go beyond what we required to say in connection with this condition of an army in the 13th chapter of the 5th book.

But here, in considering the attack, we have to think of an enemy’s army in cantonments in all respects as a special object; for, in the first place, such an attack is of a very peculiar kind in itself; and, in the next place, it may be considered as a strategic means of particular efficacy. Here we have before us, therefore, not the question of an onslaught on a single cantonment or a small corps dispersed amongst a few villages, as the arrangements for that are entirely of a tactical nature, but of the attack of a large army, distributed in cantonments more or less extensive; an attack in which the object is not the mere surprise of a single cantonment, but to prevent the assembly of the army.

The attack on an enemy’s army in cantonments is therefore the surprise of an army not assembled. If this surprise succeeds fully, then the enemy’s army is prevented from reaching its appointed place of assembly, and, therefore, compelled to choose another more to the rear; as this change of the point of assembly to the rear in a state of such emergency can seldom be effected in less than a day’s march, but generally will require several days, the loss of ground which this occasions is by no means an insignificant loss; and this is the first advantage gained by the assailant.

But now, this surprise which is in connection with the general relations, may certainly at the same time, in its commencement, be an onslaught on some of the enemy’s single cantonments, not certainly upon all, or upon a great many, because that would suppose a scattering of the attacking army to an extent which could never be advisable. Therefore, only the most advanced quarters, only those which lie in the direction of the attacking columns, can be surprised, and even this will seldom happen to many of them, as large forces cannot easily approach unobserved. However, this element of the attack is by no means to be disregarded; and we reckon the advantages which may be thus obtained, as the second advantage of the surprise.

A third advantage consists in the minor combats forced upon the enemy in which his losses will be considerable. A great body of troops does not assemble itself at once by single battalions at the spot appointed for the general concentration of the army, but usually forms itself by brigades, divisions, or corps, in the first place, and these masses cannot then hasten at full speed to the rendezvous; in case of meeting with an enemy’s column in their course, they are obliged to engage in a combat; now, they may certainly come off victorious in the same, particularly if the enemy’s attacking column is not of sufficient strength, but in conquering, they lose time, and, in most cases, as may be easily conceived, a corps, under such circumstances, and in the general tendency to gain a point which lies to the rear, will not make any beneficial use of its victory. On the other hand, they may be beaten, and that is the most probable issue in itself, because they have not time to organise a good resistance. We may, therefore, very well suppose that in an attack well planned and executed, the assailant through these partial combats will gather up a considerable number of trophies, which become a principal point in the general result.

Lastly, the fourth advantage, and the keystone of the whole, is a certain momentary disorganisation and discouragement on the side of the enemy, which, when the force is at last assembled, seldom allows of its being immediately brought into action, and generally obliges the party attacked to abandon still more ground to his assailant, and to make a change generally in his plan of operations.

Such are the proper results of a successful surprise of the enemy in cantonments, that is, of one in which the enemy is prevented from assembling his army without loss at the point fixed in his plan. But by the nature of the case, success has many degrees; and, therefore, the results may be very great in one case, and hardly worth mentioning in another. But even when, through the complete success of the enterprise, these results are considerable, they will seldom bear comparison with the gain of a great battle, partly because, in the first place, the trophies are seldom as great, and in the next, the moral impression never strikes so deep.

This general result must always be kept in view, that we may not promise ourselves more from an enterprise of this kind than it can give. Many hold it to be the non plus ultra of offensive activity; but it is not so by any means, as we may see from this analysis, as well as from military history.

One of the most brilliant surprises in history, is that made by the Duke of Lorraine in 1643, on the cantonments of the French, under General Ranzan, at Duttlingen. The corps was 16,000 men, and they lost the General commanding, and 7,000 men; it was a complete defeat. The want of outposts was the cause of the disaster.

The surprise of Turenne at Mergentheim (Mariendal, as the French call it,) in 1644, is in like manner to be regarded as equal to a defeat in its effects, for he lost 3,000 men out of 8,000, which was principally owing to his having been led into making an untimely stand after he got his men assembled. Such results we cannot, therefore, often reckon upon; it was rather the result of an ill-judged action than of the surprise, properly speaking, for Turenne might easily have avoided the action, and have rallied his troops upon those in more distant quarters.

A third noted surprise is that which Turenne made on the Allies under the great Elector, the Imperial General Bournonville and the Duke of Lorraine, in Alsace, in the year 1674. The trophies were very small, the loss of the Allies did not exceed 2,000 or 3,000 men, which could not decide the fate of a force of 50,000; but the Allies considered that they could not venture to make any further resistance in Alsace, and retired across the Rhine again. This strategic result was all that Turenne wanted, but we must not look for the causes of it entirely in the surprise. Turenne surprised the plans of his opponents more than the troops themselves; the want of unanimity amongst the allied generals and the proximity of the Rhine did the rest. This event altogether deserves a closer examination, as it is generally viewed in a wrong light.

In 1741, Neipperg surprised Frederick the Great in his quarters; the whole of the result was that the king was obliged to fight the battle of Mollwitz before he had collected all his forces, and with a change of front.

In 1745, Frederick the Great surprised the Duke of Lorraine in his cantonments in Lusatia; the chief success was through the real surprise of one of the most important quarters, that of Hennersdorf, by which the Austrians suffered a loss of 2,000 men; the general result was that the Duke of Lorraine retreated to Bohemia by Upper Lusatia, but that did not at all prevent his returning into Saxony by the left bank of the Elbe, so that without the battle of Kesselsdorf, there would have been no important result.

1758. The Duke Ferdinand surprised the French quarters; the immediate result was that the French lost some thousands of men, and were obliged to take up a position behind the Aller. The moral effect may have been of more importance, and may have had some influence on the subsequent evacuation of Westphalia.

If from these different examples we seek for a conclusion as to the efficacy of this kind of attack, then only the two first can be put in comparison with a battle gained. But the corps were only small, and the want of outposts in the system of war in those days was a circumstance greatly in favour of these enterprises. Although the four other cases must be reckoned completely successful enterprises, it is plain that not one of them is to be compared with a battle gained as respects its result. The general result could not have taken place in any of them except with an adversary weak in will and character, and therefore it did not take place at all in the case of 1741.

In 1806 the Prussian army contemplated surprising the French in this manner in Franconia. The case promised well for a satisfactory result. Buonaparte was not present, the French corps were in widely extended cantonments; under these circumstances, the Prussian army, acting with great resolution and activity, might very well reckon on driving the French back across the Rhine, with more or less loss. But this was also all; if they reckoned upon more, for instance, on following up their advantages beyond the Rhine, or on gaining such a moral ascendancy, that the French would not again venture to appear on the right bank of the river in the same campaign, such an expectation had no sufficient grounds whatever.

In the beginning of August, 1812, the Russians from Smolensk meditated falling upon the cantonments of the French when Napoleon halted his army in the neighbourhood of Witepsk. But they wanted courage to carry out the enterprise; and it was fortunate for them they did; for as the French commander with his centre was not only more than twice the strength of their centre, but also in himself the most resolute commander that ever lived, as further, the loss of a few miles of ground would have decided nothing, and there was no natural obstacle in any feature of the country near enough up to which they might pursue their success, and by that means, in some measure make it certain, and lastly, as the war of the year 1812 was not in any way a campaign of that kind, which draws itself in a languid way to a conclusion, but the serious plan of an assailant who had made up his mind to conquer his opponent completely,—therefore the trifling results to be expected from a surprise of the enemy in his quarters, appear nothing else than utterly disproportionate to the solution of the problem, they could not justify a hope of making good by their means the great inequality of forces and other relations. But this scheme serves to show how a confused idea of the effect of this means may lead to an entirely false application of the same.

What has been hitherto said, places the subject in the light of a strategic means. But it lies in its nature that its execution also is not purely tactical, but in part belongs again to strategy so far, particularly that such an attack is generally made on a front of considerable width, and the army which carries it out can, and generally will, come to blows before it is concentrated, so that the whole is an agglomeration of partial combats. We must now add a few words on the most natural organisation of such an attack.

The first condition is:—

(1.) To attack the front of the enemy’s quarters in a certain width of front, for that is the only means by which we can really surprise several cantonments, cut off others, and create generally that disorganisation in the enemy’s army which is intended.—The number of, and the intervals between, the columns must depend on circumstances.

(2.) The direction of the different columns must converge upon a point where it is intended they should unite; for the enemy ends more or less with a concentration of his force, and therefore we must do the same. This point of concentration should, if possible, be the enemy’s point of assembly, or lie on his line of retreat, it will naturally be best where that line crosses an important obstacle in the country.

(3.) The separate columns when they come in contact with the enemy’s forces must attack them with great determination, with dash and boldness, as they have general relations in their favour, and daring is always there in its right place. From this it follows that the commanders of the separate columns must be allowed freedom of action and full power in this respect.

(4.) The tactical plan of attack against those of the enemy’s corps that are the first to place themselves in position, must always be directed to turn a flank, for the greatest result is always to be expected by separating the corps, and cutting them off.

(5.) Each of the columns must be composed of portions of the three arms, and must not be stinted in cavalry, it may even sometimes be well to divide amongst them the whole of the reserve cavalry; for it would be a great mistake to suppose that this body of cavalry could play any great part in a mass in an enterprise of this sort. The first village, the smallest bridge, the most insignificant thicket would bring it to a halt.

(6.) Although it lies in the nature of a surprise that the assailant should not send his advanced guard very far in front, that principle only applies to the first approach to the enemy’s quarters. When the fight has commenced in the enemy’s quarters, and therefore all that was to be expected from actual surprise has been gained, then the columns of the advanced guard of all arms should push on as far as possible, for they may greatly increase the confusion on the side of the enemy by more rapid movement. It is only by this means that it becomes possible to carry off here and there the mass of baggage, artillery, non-effectives, and camp-followers, which have to be dragged after a cantonment suddenly broken up, and these advanced guards must also be the chief instruments in turning and cutting off the enemy.

(7.) Finally, the retreat in case of ill-success must be thought of, and a rallying point be fixed upon beforehand.

 

 

CHAPTER XX - Diversion

According to the ordinary use of language, under the term diversion is understood such an incursion into the enemy’s country as draws off a portion of his force from the principal point. It is only when this is the chief end in view, and not the gain of the object which is selected as the point of attack, that it is an enterprise of a special character, otherwise it is only an ordinary attack.

Naturally the diversion must at the same time always have an object of attack, for it is only the value of this object that will induce the enemy to send troops for its protection; besides, in case the undertaking does not succeed as a diversion, this object is a compensation for the forces expended in the attempt.

These objects of attack may be fortresses, or important magazines, or rich and large towns, especially capital cities, contributions of all kinds; lastly, assistance may be afforded in this way to discontented subjects of the enemy.

It is easy to conceive that diversions may be useful, but they certainly are not so always; on the contrary, they are just as often injurious. The chief condition is that they should withdraw from the principal theatre of the war more of the enemy’s troops than we employ on the diversion; for if they only succeed in drawing off just the same number, then their efficacy as diversions, properly called, ceases, and the undertaking becomes a mere subordinate attack. Even where, on account of circumstances, we have in view to attain a very great end with a very small force, as, for instance, to make an easy capture of an important fortress, and another attack is made adjoining to the principal attack, to assist the latter, that is no longer a diversion. When two states are at war, and a third falls upon one of them, such an event is very commonly called a diversion—but such an attack differs in nothing from an ordinary attack except in its direction; there is, therefore, no occasion to give it a particular name, for in theory it should be a rule only to denote by particular names such things as are in their nature distinct.

But if small forces are to attract large ones, there must obviously be some special cause, and, therefore, for the object of a diversion it is not sufficient merely to detach some troops to a point not hitherto occupied.

If the assailant with a small corps of 1000 men overruns one of his enemy’s provinces, not belonging to the theatre of war, and levies contribution, etc., it is easy to see beforehand that the enemy cannot put a stop to this by detaching 1000 men, but that if he means to protect the province from invaders, he must at all events send a considerably larger force. But it may be asked cannot a defender, instead of protecting his own province, restore the balance by sending a similar detachment to plunder a province in our country? Therefore, if an advantage is to be obtained by an aggressor in this way, it must first be ascertained that there is more to be got or to be threatened in the defender’s provinces than in his own. If this is the case, then no doubt a weak diversion will occupy a force on the enemy’s side greater than that composing the enterprise. On the other hand, this advantage naturally diminishes as the masses increase, for 50,000 men can defend a province of moderate extent not only against equal but even against somewhat superior numbers. The advantage of large diversions is, therefore, very doubtful, and the greater they become the more decisive must be the other circumstances which favour a diversion if any good is to come out of such an enterprise upon the whole.

Now these favourable circumstances may be:—

a. Forces which the assailant holds available for a diversion without weakening the great mass of his force.

b. Points belonging to the defender which are of vital importance to him and can be threatened by a diversion.

c. Discontented subjects of the same.

d. A rich province which can supply a considerable quantity of munitions of war.

If only these diversions are undertaken, which, when tested by these different considerations, promise results, it will be found that an opportunity of making a diversion does not offer frequently.

But now comes another important point. Every diversion brings war into a district into which the war would not otherwise have penetrated: for that reason it will always be the means, more or less, of calling forth military forces which would otherwise have continued in abeyance, this will be done in a way which will be very sensibly felt if the enemy has any organised militia, and means of arming the nation at large. It is quite in the natural order of things, and amply shown by experience, that if a district is suddenly threatened by an enemy’s force, and nothing has been prepared beforehand for its defence, all the most efficient official functionaries immediately lay hold of and set in motion every extraordinary means that can be imagined, in order to ward off the impending danger. Thus, new powers of resistance spring up, such as are next to a people’s war, and may easily excite one.

This is a point which should be kept well in view in every diversion, in order that we may not dig our own graves.

The expeditions to North Holland in 1799, and to Walcheren in 1809, regarded as diversions, are only to be justified in so far that there was no other way of employing the English troops; but there is no doubt that the sum total of the means of resistance of the French was thereby increased, and every landing in France, would have just the same effect. To threaten the French coast certainly offers great advantages, because by that means an important body of troops becomes neutralised in watching the coast, but a landing with a large force can never be justifiable unless we can count on the assistance of a province in opposition to the Government.

The less a great decision is looked forward to in war the more will diversions be allowable, but so much the smaller will also certainly be the gain to be derived from them. They are only a means of bringing the stagnant masses into motion.

Execution.

1. A diversion may include in itself a real attack, then the execution has no special character in itself except boldness and expedition.

2. It may also have as an object to appear more than it really is, being, in fact, a demonstration as well. The special means to be employed in such a case can only suggest themselves to a subtil mind well versed in men and in the existing state of circumstances. It follows from the nature of the thing that there must be a great fractioning of forces on such occasions.

3. If the forces employed are not quite inconsiderable, and the retreat is restricted to certain points, then a reserve on which the whole may rally is an essential condition.

 

 

CHAPTER XXI - Invasion

Almost all that we have to say on this subject consists in an explanation of the term. We find the expression very frequently used by modern authors and also that they pretend to denote by it something particular. Guerre d’invasion occurs perpetually in French authors. They use it as a term for every attack which enters deep into the enemy’s country, and perhaps sometimes mean to apply it as the antithesis to methodical attack, that is, one which only nibbles at the frontier. But this is a very unphilosophical confusion of language. Whether an attack is to be confined to the frontier or to be carried into the heart of the country, whether it shall make the seizure of the enemy’s strong places the chief object, or seek out the core of the enemy’s power, and pursue it unremittingly, is the result of circumstances, and not dependent on a system. In some cases, to push forward may be more methodical, and at the same time more prudent than to tarry on the frontier, but in most cases it is nothing else than just the fortunate result of a vigorous attack, and consequently does not differ from it in any respect.

 

 

CHAPTER XXII - On the Culminating Point of Victory*

* See Chapters IV. and V.

 

The conqueror in a war is not always in a condition to subdue his adversary completely. Often, in fact, almost universally, there is a culminating point of victory. Experience shows this sufficiently; but as the subject is one especially important for the theory of war, and the pivot of almost all plans of campaigns, while, at the same time, on its surface some apparent contradictions glitter, as in ever-changing colours, we therefore wish to examine it more closely, and look for its essential causes.

Victory, as a rule, springs from a preponderance of the sum of all the physical and moral powers combined; undoubtedly it increases this preponderance, or it would not be sought for and purchased at a great sacrifice. Victory itself does this unquestionably; also its consequences have the same effect, but not to the utmost point generally only up to a certain point. This point may be very near at hand, and is sometimes so near that the whole of the results of a victorious battle are confined to an increase of the moral superiority. How this comes about we have now to examine.

In the progress of action in war, the combatant force is incessantly meeting with elements which strengthen it, and others which weaken it. Hence it is a question of superiority on one side or the other. As every diminution of power on one side is to be regarded as an increase on the opposite, it follows, of course, that this double current, this ebb and flow, takes place whether troops are advancing or retiring.

It is therefore necessary to find out the principal cause of this alteration in the one case to determine the other along with it.

In advancing, the most important causes of the increase of strength which the assailant gains, are:

1. The loss which the enemy’s army suffers, because it is usually greater than that of the assailant.

2. The loss which the enemy suffers in inert military means, such as magazines, depôts, bridges, etc., and which the assailant does not share with him.

3. That from the moment the assailant enters the enemy’s territory, there is a loss of provinces to the defence, consequently of the sources of new military forces.

4. That the advancing army gains a portion of those resources, in other words, gains the advantage of living at the expense of the enemy.

5. The loss of internal organisation and of the regular action of everything on the side of the enemy.

6. That the allies of the enemy secede from him, and others join the conqueror.

7. Lastly, the discouragement of the enemy who lets the arms, in some measure, drop out of his hands.

The causes of decrease of strength in an army advancing, are:

1. That it is compelled to lay siege to the enemy’s fortresses, to blockade them or observe them; or that the enemy, who did the same before the victory, in his retreat draws in these corps on his main body.

2. That from the moment the assailant enters the enemy’s territory, the nature of the theatre of war is changed; it becomes hostile; we must occupy it, for we cannot call any portion our own beyond what is in actual occupation, and yet it everywhere presents difficulties to the whole machine, which must necessarily tend to weaken its effects.

3. That we are removing further away from our resources, whilst the enemy is drawing nearer to his; this causes a delay in the replacement of expended power.

4. That the danger which threatens the state, rouses other powers to its protection.

5. Lastly, the greater efforts of the adversary, in consequence of the increased danger, on the other hand, a relaxation of effort on the side of the victorious state.

All these advantages and disadvantages can exist together, meet each other in a certain measure, and pursue their way in opposite directions, except that the last meet as real opposites, cannot pass, therefore mutually exclude each other. This alone shows how infinitely different may be the effect of a victory according as it stuns the vanquished or stimulates him to greater exertions.

We shall now try to characterise, in a few words, each of these points singly.

1. The loss of the enemy when defeated, may be at the greatest in the first moment of defeat, and then daily diminish in amount until it arrives at a point where the balance is restored as regards our force; but it may go on increasing every day in an ascending ratio. The difference of situation and relations determines this. We can only say that, in general, with a good army the first will be the case, with an indifferent army the second; next to the spirit of the army, the spirit of the Government is here the most important thing. It is of great consequence in war to distinguish between the two cases in practice, in order not to stop just at the point where we ought to begin in good earnest, and vice versâ.

2. The loss which the enemy sustains in that part of the apparatus of war which is inert, may ebb and flow just in the same manner, and this will depend on the accidental position and nature of the depôts from which supplies are drawn. This subject, however, in the present day, cannot be compared with the others in point of importance.

3. The third advantage must necessarily increase as the army advances; indeed, it may be said that it does not come into consideration until an army has penetrated far into the enemy’s country; that is to say, until a third or a fourth of the country has been left in rear. In addition, the intrinsic value which a province has in connection with the war comes also into consideration.

In the same way the fourth advantage should increase with the advance.

But with respect to these two last, it is also to be observed that their influence on the combatant powers actually engaged in the struggle, is seldom felt so immediately; they only work slowly and by a circuitous course; therefore we should not bend the bow too much on their account, that is to say, not place ourselves in any dangerous position.

The fifth advantage, again, only comes into consideration if we have made a considerable advance, and if by the form of the enemy’s country some provinces can be detached from the principal mass, as these, like limbs compressed by ligatures, usually soon die off.

As to six and seven, it is at least probable that they increase with the advance; furthermore, we shall return to them hereafter. Let us now pass on to the causes of weakness.

1. The besieging, blockade, and investment of fortresses, generally increase as the army advances. This weakening influence alone acts so powerfully on the condition of the combatant force, that it may soon outweigh all the advantages gained. No doubt, in modern times, a system has been introduced of blockading places with a small number of troops, or of watching them with a still smaller number; and also the enemy must keep garrisons in them. Nevertheless, they remain a great element of security. The garrisons consist very often in half of people, who have taken no part in the war previously. Before those places which are situated near the line of communication, it is necessary for the assailant to leave a force at least double the strength of the garrison; and if it is desirable to lay formal siege to, or to starve out, one single considerable place, a small army is required for the purpose.

2. The second cause, the taking up a theatre of war in the enemy’s country, increases necessarily with the advance, and if it does not further weaken the condition of the combatant force at the moment, it does so at all events in the long run.

We can only regard as our theatre of war, so much of the enemy’s country as we actually possess; that is to say, where we either have small corps in the field, or where we have left here and there strong garrisons in large towns, or stations along the roads, etc.; now, however small the garrisons may be which are detached, still they weaken the combatant force considerably. But this is the smallest evil.

Every army has strategic flanks, that is, the country which borders both sides of its lines of communications; the weakness of these parts is not sensibly felt as long as the enemy is similarly situated with respect to his. But that can only be the case as long as we are in our own country; as soon as we get into the enemy’s country, the weakness of these parts is felt very much, because the smallest enterprise promises some result when directed against a long line only feebly, or not all, covered; and these attacks may be made from any quarter in an enemy’s country.

The further we advance, the longer these flanks become, and the danger arising from them is enhanced in an increased ratio, for not only are they difficult to cover, but the spirit of enterprise is also first roused in the enemy, chiefly by long insecure lines of communication, and the consequences which their loss may entail in case of a retreat are matter of grave consideration.

All this contributes to place a fresh load on an advancing army at every step of its progress; so that if it has not commenced with a more than ordinary superiority, it will feel itself always more and more cramped in its plans, gradually weakened in its impulsive force, and at last in a state of uncertainty and anxiety as to its situation.

3. The third cause, the distance from the source from which the incessantly diminishing combatant force is to be just as incessantly filled up, increases with the advance. A conquering army is like the light of a lamp in this respect; the more the oil which feeds it sinks in the reservoir and recedes from the focus of light, the smaller the light becomes, until at length it is quite extinguished.

The richness of the conquered provinces may certainly diminish this evil very much, but can never entirely remove it, because there are always a number of things which can only be supplied to the army from its own country, men in particular; because the subsidies furnished by the enemy's country are, in most cases, neither so promptly nor so surely forthcoming as in our own country; because the means of meeting any unexpected requirement cannot be so quickly procured; because misunderstandings and mistakes of all kinds cannot so soon be discovered and remedied.

If a prince does not lead his army in person, as became the custom in the last wars, if he is not anywhere near it, then another and very great inconvenience arises in the loss of time occasioned by communications backwards and forwards; for the fullest powers conferred on a commander of an army, are never sufficient to meet every case in the wide expanse of his activity.

4. The change in political alliances. If these changes, produced by a victory, should be such as are disadvantageous to the conqueror, they will probably be so in a direct relation to his progress, just as is the case if they are of an advantageous nature. This all depends on the existing political alliances, interests, customs, and tendencies, on princes, ministers, etc. In general, we can only say that when a great state which has smaller allies is conquered, these usually secede very soon from their alliance, so that the victor, in this respect, with every blow becomes stronger; but if the conquered state is small, protectors much sooner present themselves when his very existence is threatened, and others, who have helped to place him in his present embarrassment, will turn round to prevent his complete downfall.

5. The increased resistance on the part of the enemy which is called forth. Sometimes the enemy drops his weapon out of his hands from terror and stupefaction; sometimes an enthusiastic paroxysm seizes him, every one runs to arms, and the resistance is much stronger after the first defeat than it was before. The character of the people and of the Government, the nature of the country and its political alliances, are here the data from which the probable effect must be conjectured.

What countless differences these two last points alone make in the plans which may and should be made in war in one case and another? Whilst one, through an excess of caution, and what is called methodical proceedings, fritters away his good fortune, another, from a want of rational reflection, tumbles into destruction.

In addition, we must here call to mind the supineness, which not unfrequently comes over the victorious side, when danger is removed; whilst, on the contrary, renewed efforts are then required in order to follow up the success. If we cast a general glance over these different and antagonistic principles, the deduction, doubtless is, that the profitable use of the onward march in a war of aggression, in the generality of cases, diminishes the preponderance with which the assailant set out, or which has been gained by victory.

Here the question must naturally strike us; if this be so, what is it which impels the conqueror to follow up the career of victory to continue the offensive? And can this really be called making further use of the victory? Would it not be better to stop where as yet there is hardly any diminution of the preponderance gained?

To this we must naturally answer: the preponderance of combatant forces is only the means, not the end. The end or object is to subdue the enemy, or at least to take from him part of his territory, in order thus to put ourselves in a condition to realize the value of the advantages we have gained when we conclude a peace. Even if our aim is to conquer the enemy completely, we must be content that, perhaps, every step we advance, reduces our preponderance, but it does not necessarily follow from this that it will be nil before the fall of the enemy: the fall of the enemy may take place before that, and if it is to be obtained by the last minimum of preponderance, it would be an error not to expend it for that purpose.

The preponderance which we have or acquire in war is, therefore, the means, not the end, and it must be staked to gain the latter. But it is necessary to know how far it will reach, in order not to go beyond that point, and instead of fresh advantages, to reap disaster.

It is not necessary to introduce special examples from experience in order to prove that this is the way in which the strategic preponderance exhausts itself in the strategic attack; it is rather the multitude of instances which has forced us to investigate the causes of it. It is only since the appearance of Buonaparte that we have known campaigns between civilized nations, in which the preponderance has led, without interruption, to the fall of the enemy; before his time, every campaign ended with the victorious army seeking to win a point where it could simply maintain itself in a state of equilibrium. At this point, the movement of victory stopped, even if a retreat did not become necessary. Now, this culminating point of victory will also appear in the future, in all wars in which the overthrow of the enemy is not the military object of the war; and the generality of wars will still be of this kind. The natural aim of all single plans of campaigns is the point at which the offensive changes into the defensive.

But now, to overstep this point, is more than simply a useless expenditure of power, yielding no further result, it is a destructive step which causes reaction; and this re-action is, according to all general experience, productive of most disproportionate effects. This last fact is so common, and appears so natural and easy to understand that we need not enter circumstantially into the causes. Want of organisation in the conquered land, and the very opposite effect which a serious loss instead of the looked-for fresh victory makes on the feelings, are the chief causes in every case. The moral forces, courage on the one side rising often to audacity, and extreme depression on the other, now begin generally their active play. The losses on the retreat are increased thereby, and the hitherto successful party now generally thanks providence if he can escape with only the surrender of all his gains, without losing some of his own territory.

We must now clear up an apparent contradiction.

It may be generally supposed that as long as progress in the attack continues, there must still be a preponderance; and, that as the defensive, which will commence at the end of the victorious career, is a stronger form of war than the offensive, therefore, there is so much the less danger of becoming unexpectedly the weaker party. But yet there is, and keeping history in view, we must admit that the greatest danger of a reverse is often just at the moment when the offensive ceases and passes into the defensive. We shall try to find the cause of this.

The superiority which we have attributed to the defensive form of war consists:

 

1. In the use of ground.

2. In the possession of a prepared theatre of war.

3. In the support of the people.

4. In the advantage of the state of expectancy.

 

It must be evident that these principles cannot always be forthcoming and active in a like degree; that, consequently, one defence is not always like another; and therefore, also, that the defence will not always have this same superiority over the offensive. This must be particularly the case in a defensive, which commences after the exhaustion of an offensive, and has its theatre of war usually situated at the apex of an offensive triangle thrust far forward into the country. Of the four principles above named, this defensive only enjoys the first the use of the ground undiminished, the second generally vanishes altogether, the third becomes negative, and the fourth is very much reduced. A few more words, only by way of explanation, respecting the last.

If the imagined equilibrium, under the influence of which whole campaigns have often passed without any results, because the side which should assume the initiative is wanting in the necessary resolution, and just therein lies, as we conceive, the advantage of the state of expectancy if this equilibrium is disturbed by an offensive act, the enemy’s interests damaged, and his will stirred up to action, then the probability of his remaining in a state of indolent irresolution is much diminished. A defence, which is organised on conquered territory, has a much more irritating character than one upon our own soil; the offensive principle is engrafted on it in a certain measure, and its nature is thereby weakened. The quiet which Daun allowed Frederick II. in Silesia and Saxony, he would never have granted him in Bohemia.

Thus it is clear that the defensive, which is interwoven or mixed up with an offensive undertaking, is weakened in all its chief principles; and, therefore, will no longer have the preponderance which belongs to it originally.

As no defensive campaign is composed of purely defensive elements, so likewise no offensive campaign is made up entirely of offensive elements; because, besides the short intervals in every campaign, in which both armies are on the defensive, every attack which does not lead to a peace, must necessarily end in a defensive.

In this manner it is the defensive itself which contributes to the weakening of the offensive. This is so far from being an idle subtlety, that on the contrary, we consider it a chief disadvantage of the attack that we are afterwards reduced through it to a very disadvantageous defensive.

And this explains how the difference which originally exists between the strength of the offensive and defensive forms in war is gradually reduced. We shall now show how it may completely disappear, and the advantage for a short time may change into the reverse.

If we may be allowed to make use of an idea from nature, we shall be able sooner to explain ourselves. It is the time which every force in the material world requires to show its effect. A power, which if applied slowly by degrees, would be sufficient to check a body in motion, will be overcome by it if time fails. This law of the material world is a striking illustration of many of the phenomena in our inner life. If we are once roused to a certain train of thought, it is not every motive sufficient in itself which can change or stop that current of thought. Time, tranquillity and durable impressions on our senses are required. So it is also in war. When once the mind has taken a decided direction towards an object, or turned back towards a harbour of refuge, it may easily happen that the motives which in the one base naturally serve to restrain, and those which in the other as naturally excite to enterprise, are not felt at once in their full force; and as the progress of action in the mean time continues, one is carried along by the stream of movement beyond the line of equilibrium, beyond the culminating point, without being aware of it. Indeed, it may even happen that, in spite of the exhaustion of force, the assailant, supported by the moral forces which specially lie in the offensive, like a horse drawing a load uphill, finds it less difficult to advance than to stop. By this, we believe, we have now shown, without contradiction in itself, how the assailant may pass that point, where, if he had stopped at the right moment, he might still, through the defensive, have had a result, that is equilibrium. Rightly to determine this point is, therefore, important in framing a plan of a campaign, as well for the offensive, that he may not undertake what is beyond his powers (to a certain extent contract debts), as for the defensive, that he may perceive and profit by this error if committed by the assailant.

If now we look back at all the points which the commander should bear in mind in making his determination, and remember that he can only estimate the tendency and value of the most important of them through the consideration of many other near and distant relations, that he must to a certain extent guess at them guess whether the enemy’s army, after the first blow, will show a stronger core and increasing solidity, or like a Bologna phial, will turn into dust as soon as the surface is injured; guess the extent of weakness and prostration which the drying up of certain sources, the interruption of certain communications will produce on the military state of the enemy; guess whether the enemy, from the burning pain of the blow which has been dealt him, will collapse powerless, or whether, like a wounded bull, he will rise to a state of fury; lastly, guess whether other powers will be dismayed or roused, what political alliances are likely to be dissolved, and what are likely to be formed. When we say that he must hit all this, and much more, with the tact of his judgment, as the rifleman hits a mark, it must be admitted that such an act of the human mind is no trifle. A thousand wrong roads running here and there, present themselves to the judgment; and whatever the number, the confusion and complexity of objects leaves undone, is completed by the sense of danger and responsibility.

Thus it happens that the majority of generals prefer to fall short of the mark rather than to approach too close; and thus it happens that a fine courage and great spirit of enterprise often go beyond the point, and therefore also fail to hit the mark. Only he that does great things with small means has made a successful hit.